‘Why Nigerians will re-elect Tinubu in 2027’

Bolaji Rilwan Raji, a Fellow of the Institute of Negotiators, Community and Social Development, is a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress(APC) in Oyo State. He explains to reporters in Lagos why President Bola Ahmed Tinubu deserves re-election in 2027

Why do you think President Bola Ahmed Tinubu deserves second term?

The President should make history again in 2027. Nigeria is blessed with opportunities, and this President encourages self-sustainability. For the first time in years, Nigerians did not experience the usual December petroleum scarcity, and surprisingly, petroleum prices and transportation costs decreased during the festive period. The renewed hope agenda is clearly underway, and we must continue its growth towards a prosperous future.

My contributions were crucial to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s success. Seyi Tinubu, the Okanlomo of Yoruba land, can verify this. Notably, I initiated the integration of Southern Kaduna people into the APC and brought Senator Danjuma Lar, then a PDP senator, to support the President. Senator Lar, Femi Gbajabiamila, Hon. Femi Bamishile and Seyi Tinubu can all attest to this. This was just one of many strategies I implemented.

How can the President and his government erect legacies that will outlive him?

Having achieved success in education, wealth, influence, family, and health, the president now likely seeks to solidify his legacy. As a dedicated, behind-the-scenes contributor to his administration’s effective governance, I anticipate showcasing our achievements, as all will be evaluated on their merits. My primary hope is for the completion and release of Jim Obazee’s special investigation, which I initiated early in the administration, as it would greatly enhance the president’s legacy.

What is your assessment of the President’s team?

This is a sensitive issue due to its potential negative consequences. Nigeria’s federal system, as enshrined in the Constitution, requires each state to nominate individuals for ministerial appointment. While the President is bound to select from these nominees, regardless of their suitability, the National Assembly then screens them. Consequently, the President’s choices are limited by constitutional constraints, preventing unilateral decisions that could be construed as dictatorial.

Who are the appointees that have underperformed, in your opinion?.

A more informed assessment will be possible by the end of 2031. Instead, I’ll highlight the Ministry of Marine and Blue Economy. As a mariner, I can attest to its advanced ICT and rapid progress. It has resolved unfavourable IMO issues and will surpass even the Ministry of Petroleum in the coming months. This progress has occurred in under three years. Honourable Minister Adegboyega Oyetola has established a sustainable template for investors, both local and foreign. The Ministry of Interior, being led by Olubunmi Ojo, has successfully upgraded the passport issuance process, significantly reducing collection times through commendable ICT implementation. The minister is advised to consider proposals from the major passport producer, Thales.

Regarding ministerial performance, it’s the president’s prerogative to address any underperformance, based on their assessment. External factors can also contribute to a minister’s perceived performance.

FCT Minister Wike, “Mr Projects,” is a reliable and high-capacity leader whose achievements in infrastructure and service delivery are widely applauded, even by critics. His tenure has been a success story for the FCT. Minister of Works, Dave Umahi, known for his concrete road concept, has significantly improved road quality nationwide. We should all monitor the performance of these appointees. In my state, The Game Changer Group is tracking the impact of political appointees at the community level, gathering feedback to assess their effectiveness and sharing scorecards. We operate in all 36 states and Abuja.

 As an insider in the corridors of power, how will you describe political leadership, governance and job delivery in Nigeria?

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Nigeria’s political leadership evolved from pre- and post-colonial eras. After independence, Chief Obafemi Awolowo (AG, South West), Sir Ahmadu Bello (NPC, North), and Chief Nnamdi Azikiwe (NCNC, East) emerged as key figures. These leaders ushered in the First Republic, with Azikiwe as ceremonial President, Balewa as Prime Minister, and Awolowo as opposition leader. Each region prioritised different policies: the South West focused on education, agriculture, and infrastructure; the South East on agriculture, commerce, and infrastructure; and the North on agriculture and infrastructure. Healthy developmental rivalries led to job creation. However, political tensions escalated, contributing to the collapse of the First Republic in the 1966 military coup. Subsequent military rule stagnated political development, hindering leadership and governance. Currently, President Bola Tinubu’s leadership has revitalised political leadership, governance, and job creation.

How would you describe the civilian era from 1999 to this time?

The transition from military dictatorship to democracy in 1999 presented numerous challenges, particularly as Chief Olusegun, a retired military general, assumed the presidency. This context initially fostered the potential weaponisation of democratic institutions. However, the current government is taking commendable steps to reshape democratic values. Recognising the independence of local governments, a sensitive issue requiring decisive leadership, and establishing regional development zones to foster regional growth are crucial initiatives, akin to removing oil subsidies. Reforming political institutions, including electoral bodies, the judiciary, and law enforcement, requires dedicated effort. The president’s focus on local governments is a positive step, and capable individuals must support and continue this progress. The transition from military rule to democracy was marred by weaponisation and monetisation of democratic institutions. Many genuine democrats and progressives were exhausted, impoverished, or had even perished. The few remaining were revitalised by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, offering renewed hope amidst a depleted movement. This vacuum allowed individuals with questionable backgrounds – the wealthy, former officials, and those involved in illicit activities – to infiltrate politics, treating it as an investment. 

We have been inundated with the word ‘Cabal’. Do they genuinely exist within the Nigerian government, and how have they contributed to development and good governance?

A cabal, defined as a small, secretive group plotting for political power or private interests, inherently undermines democracy, which is government by and for the people. While I’ve heard talk of a cabal in this administration, I commend the president’s ability to identify and dismantle such groups. Ideally, we should have disciples who emulate the president’s positive actions rather than pursue selfish interests. However, the failure of some in power to replicate the President’s good deeds fuels the perception of a cabal. I urge the President to reevaluate the performance of certain key assistants.

Can you tell us about some of them, and how their actions and inactions have affected the country?

 The formation of a cabal hinges on a leader’s understanding of power dynamics, specifically the distinction between sharing and controlled delegation. Olusegun Obasanjo, for example, favoured controlled delegation, preventing any potential cabal leaders from gaining significant influence. Yar’adua’s tenure was cut short by ill health and death, but figures like Bukola Saraki and James Ibori were prominent. In contrast, Goodluck Jonathan, despite his patriotism, entrusted significant power to aides who sometimes abused it, leading to the rise of competing power blocs and a formidable cabal. Under President Buhari, this phenomenon reached unprecedented levels, with a cabal becoming the de facto ruler. As someone married into the Buhari family, I have witnessed this firsthand. Initially, the cabal consisted of two individuals, but President Buhari’s ill health and the death of Chief of Staff Abba Kyari led to the emergence of multiple cabals, the primary one being “G5+1” with various subsets. Similar cabals also formed within the National Assembly, including a “Yoruba cabal.”

We were told of several intrigues in the run-up to the 2023 election. Can you let us in on it?

Internal power struggles and conflicting agendas plagued the lead-up to the election. The G5 + 1 faction initially favoured Atiku Abubakar or former President Goodluck Jonathan, while a cabal within the National Assembly and party leadership pushed for Ahmed Lawan. The Yoruba cabal supported Yemi Osinbajo. A member of the G5 + 1, secretly vying for the vice presidency, attempted to bring Jonathan into the race. When this failed, he rejoined the G5+1  in supporting the PDP candidate. The other +1 to make G5+1 +1, which was meant to include a top security official (+1), ultimately faltered, perhaps due to the official’s awareness of President Buhari’s preferences. The Yoruba cabal, misled by the G5, encouraged Osinbajo to contest against the eventual winner, believing Buhari would not support Asiwaju – a ploy to weaken Yoruba chances. Despite the cabals’ machinations, President Buhari remained steadfast in his integrity and commitment. Sensing the situation, I contacted the President’s son, Seyi Tinubu and took him to a close confidante of President Buhari, his sister, Hajia Rakiya, to appeal to the President. Evidence supports this account.

To garner support for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, I reached out to various people, including former President Goodluck Jonathan, whom I visited through his nephew, Abila. I must acknowledge President Jonathan’s remarkable humility and dedication to Nigeria’s betterment. He provided the venue and time, but Seyi, the president’s son, with whom I was to go, was delayed and could not relay the information for over two hours due to unforeseen circumstances. To my surprise, President Jonathan was still waiting patiently. Upon my arrival, instead of anger, he simply smiled and advised, “Bolaji, learn to manage your time well,” and even offered me a drink through Abila.

Without that kindness, I doubt I would have found the courage to discuss my mission, given the impression that President Tinubu opposed his second term. I prostrated before him, but he insisted I stand. I passionately pleaded with him not to be offended by my request to support my uncle. He asked who my uncle was, and I nervously replied, “Chief Bola Ahmed Tinubu.” His expression shifted, and after a moment of reflection, before he could speak, I acknowledged his position as a PDP leader. Surprisingly, he responded that he was now ‘a statesman, and if supporting Asiwaju would bring growth, development and security to Nigeria’, he would support it. His wisdom gave me hope, and I left with joy. I thank him for his support.

Before these events, Dele Momodu sowed discord in the villa during Buhari’s first term. On a flight from Lagos to Accra, Momodu, after drinks, boasted about his upcoming meeting with Buhari and declared his intention to undermine Asiwaju, fearing Asiwaju would dominate the government. He cited Asiwaju’s alleged blocking of Bukola Saraki’s Senate presidency and criticised Asiwaju’s perceived lack of generosity compared to the owner of Glo World, who gave him an Audi car and $100,000 for his 50th birthday. Momodu even showed a photo of himself with Asiwaju in London during their exile, disparaging Asiwaju’s stature. Momodu’s actions instigated the animosity toward Asiwaju within the villa. Now that Asiwaju is president, Momodu should accept the divine will that elevated him to leadership.

Is it true that Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was not the preferred candidate of the power that was in the run-up to the 2023 election? Who are the favoured and how do they fall by the wayside?

Despite not being favoured by key power brokers who respectively preferred Atiku or Goodluck Jonathan, Ahmed Lawan, and Yemi Osinbajo, Asiwaju’s success was due to divine intervention, President Buhari’s support, the influence of Hajia Rakia (Buhari’s sister), and his own political acumen. Hajia Rakia’s role should be acknowledged with a kind gesture. Appreciation is also due to the Emir of Katsina. Asiwaju’s ability to positively engage even those who betrayed him is remarkable, and his legacy of uplifting others despite their disloyalty is unmatched.

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