INEC: Resetting electoral umpire ahead 2027 general elections

When a new Chairman assumes the leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), expectations naturally run high. The Commission is one of Nigeria’s most sensitive national institutions, a body that often stands at the intersection of politics, law, and public morality. Its performance defines not only who wins or loses elections, but also the integrity of the democratic process itself. TONY AKOWE writes on the task before the new INEC Chairman

There is no gainsaying the fact that Nigeria’s electoral landscape stands at a crossroads. This much has been admitted by even those who manage the system and those who play an active part in the electoral process. For one, the 2023 general elections left behind a trail of mixed emotions. While some saw triumph and victory, thereby regarding the process as successful and an improvement on previous exercises, others feel some sense of disillusionment.

Two years or less to the conduct of the 2027 general elections, the debates over technology, logistics, credibility, and judicial outcomes have continued to dominate public discourse. At a time when agitations for the reform of the electoral system are high, Prof. Joash Amupitan steps into the saddle of the leadership of the nation’s electoral umpires, inheriting the huge burden brought to bear on the polity.  It is worth mentioning that the immediate past Chairman of the Commission, Prof. Mahmood Yakubu, left a big shoe for him to wear.

Against this backdrop, Prof Amupitan steps into office with the urgent task of rebuilding confidence, deepening reforms, and reaffirming the Commission’s independence. Interestingly, Yakubu’s era has been marked by both commendations and condemnations, depending on where you stand. While those who lost elections believe that the commission has not done well, especially during the 2023 elections, those who won elections described Yakubu as the best thing to ever happen to Nigeria. This explains why he should realise from the onset that the task before him is enormous and enviable. From the onset, he must realise that the institution he leads must not only conduct credible elections, but must convince Nigerians that those elections are free, fair, and transparent. The agenda before him, therefore, is both technical and moral, which is a duty to reset the system and reawaken trust in the ballot.

With public trust in the commission currently at a low ebb, largely due to the perception held by many, whether rightly or wrongly, it is essential to acknowledge that one of the most pressing challenges facing the new Chairman is how to restore public confidence in the commission. Whatever the position those holding the views may hold, there is no doubt that the issue of credibility of the electoral process, as raised by several Nigerians, cannot be ignored. In several quarters, questions linger about the consistency of the Commission’s procedures, especially in the transmission and collation of results. The commission must explain to Nigerians why a dedicated portal like the INEC Result Viewing (IREV) portal was created, and the fact that it does not take the place of a proper coalition of results. One of the reasons why many Nigerians appear to have lost confidence in the system is because of the belief that the IREV is a result collation portal. However, while the portal serves as a database for results from all polling units, it has not taken the position of a collation centre. The Electoral Act 2022 provides for the procedures to be followed before election results can be declared. Amupitan, as a lawyer, must educate and enlighten Nigerians on why the IREV was put in place and what purpose it is supposed to serve. He must also lead the commission to expand and build on the communication channels put in place by his predecessor, while carrying out massive training and retraining of the main staff and other adjunct workers whose output has a way of affecting the commission. Transparency must, therefore, become the Commission’s operating culture. Nigerians need to see an electoral umpire that communicates clearly, explains its decisions promptly, and engages openly with the electorate. Regular press briefings, stakeholder town hall meetings, and interactive digital platforms could bridge the perception gap that often fuels suspicion. One thing that is crystal clear is the fact that public confidence is the foundation of electoral legitimacy. When citizens believe their votes do not count, democracy begins to erode. The new Chairman must consciously rebuild this trust — not through rhetoric, but through consistent, open conduct.

 Deepening electoral reforms

Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the nation’s electoral space has been shaped by successive reforms, some of which have often been driven by public pressure. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal during the 2023 general elections marked significant technological progress.

The BVAS replaced the smart card reader, which was introduced into the electoral process in 2015. Its main function was to read the Permanent Voter Card (PVC) and verify the voter’s fingerprint to ensure the voter was genuine and accredited. But it could not capture facial recognition or transmit results directly. But the BVAS, which was introduced in 2021, replaced the Smart Card Reader and improved on it by combining fingerprint and facial recognition for accreditation and also transmitting election results electronically from the polling units.

But both innovations also exposed new vulnerabilities, from network disruptions and failure to operational inconsistencies. Although the disruption to the IREV and delay in properly taking in presidential election results during the 2023 elections and attempts to hack the system despite a series of assurances have weighed down on the credibility of the final results. Prof Amupitan must lead the revolution that will change this narrative for good and ensure that all identified hitches are attended to and corrected before the 2027 elections and beyond. In addition, he should champion the next phase of reform. Part of the steps that must be taken immediately is to liaise with the National Assembly to clarify sections of the Electoral Act that still leave room for legal ambiguity, particularly regarding electronic transmission and manual collation, status of candidates who jump from one political party to the other on the eve of elections, the role of the courts in determining winners of elections, especially when the candidates involved did not participate in the elections, but lost or got manipulated out of the system during party primaries among other reforms. This is important at a time when the legislature is working on repealing and re-enacting the Electoral Act. He must also push for legislative protection of INEC’s independence, ensuring that future reforms are not left at the mercy of political expediency. He should also ensure that the reforms to be carried out within the electoral space do not end with technology. The Commission’s internal processes, such as recruitment, logistics management, and staff training, require a structural overhaul because the credibility of any election is only as strong as the competence of those who administer it.

Rebuilding institutional integrity

Every new INEC leadership inherits not only the machinery of election management but also the perception of institutional strength or weakness. The Commission’s credibility depends on the perceived neutrality of its officials, from the national headquarters to the state headquarters and down to local government offices. Although the President still has the right to appoint Resident Electoral Commissioners, their posting is still the prerogative of the commission. For ease of administration, the immediate past Chairman introduced a policy that ensured that RECs are posted within their zone or origin, but not in their states. Whether this insulates them from partisanship is left to be seen. But Amupitan must drive this process along with his National Commissioners, some of whom are already running out of their tenure. The Commission must champion transparent selection criteria and performance-based evaluation systems for state offices, especially when choosing the Administrative Secretaries who are staff of the Commission. Where misconduct is established, sanctions should be swift and public. This, again, is why he should work with the National Assembly in amending the 1999 constitution to allow the commission discipline RECs and remove them if possible. Institutional integrity is not built overnight. It grows from consistent adherence to ethical standards and the courage to enforce discipline internally. The Commission must prove that it can regulate itself before it can convincingly regulate others.

Technology and electoral logistics

No matter how advanced the laws or good the intentions, elections are ultimately won and lost on the field. However, logistics remain one of the most persistent weaknesses in electoral management, from delayed materials to malfunctioning devices. To address the issue of logistics, especially in the delivery of election materials, the new INEC leadership must sustain existing relationships with stakeholders in the transport sector.

The use of residential houses as polling units must be discouraged, while such polling units must be moved to more neutral places. Cases abound across the country where polling units are located in front of residential houses that sometimes turn out to belong to politicians. Rather, public schools should be designated as polling units as they often have the capacity to take a large gathering of voters. The Commission must also build trust with the traditional rulers to serve as custodians of electoral materials. But the danger in this is that the ruling party in such places may have access to such materials. But if the commission can address the issue of logistics in the elections, a large percentage of the problem in the system would have been solved. The Amupitan leadership must also carry out a comprehensive audit of BVAS machines, IReV servers, and data storage systems of the commission. It must take steps to identify gaps in hardware integrity and data security. Every technology deployed must be stress-tested for Nigeria’s diverse terrain and network challenges. Beyond technology, logistics planning requires fresh imagination. Electoral materials should not arrive late because of last-minute contracting or poor transport coordination in addition to the road transport unions. The Commission can explore partnerships with reputable logistics firms and security agencies for better coordination. The danger in contracting transport companies, however, is that some of the reputable ones are also owned by politicians or their associates. In other words, the commission must work to create a network that will ensure transparent elections. Innovation should be seen as a continuous process. In the long term, INEC could explore blockchain-based verification systems to prevent tampering and ensure real-time transparency. The goal is to make manipulation increasingly difficult and confidence increasingly easy. Amupitan has, however, made it clear that while technology is key, it cannot completely guarantee credible elections because the telecom network has remained a major challenge.  He said the commission is discussing with network providers with a view to ensuring improved services during elections.

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Electoral offences and accountability

Another recurring challenge that has undermined Nigeria’s electoral process is the culture of impunity. Ballot snatching, vote buying, falsification of results, and violence remain major features of elections largely because perpetrators rarely face justice. While incidents of ballot box snatching have been on the decline over the years, the political actors have devised means of carrying out their act of election rigging. Although the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) has often deployed its personnel to monitor elections while on the watch out for vote buying, it is instructive that not many people have been arrested and brought to book for vote buying. During the recent Anambra elections, the EFCC announced the arrest of only three persons for incidences of vote buying. But the Centre for Democracy and Development, in its preliminary report, alleged vote buying in two out of the three Senatorial districts in the state. The report also alleged that voters were snapping their ballot paper after voting. This is clearly a violation of the guidelines for the election. Such persons must be brought to justice if we are to clean up the electoral space. This explained why the Electoral Offences Commission must be created to handle incidences of vote buying and other electoral crimes. Prof Amupitan, as the new Chairman, must lend a strong institutional voice to the call for the establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission, as recommended by several panels and civil society groups. The immediate past chairman spoke strongly about the establishment of the commission. But while the last Senate passed the bill to establish the commission, the House of Representatives failed to consider the report of its committee to create the commission because of a typographical error. Many stakeholders have argued that without an independent prosecutorial body, INEC remains overburdened and underpowered to enforce discipline. The passage of the constitutional amendment to create the Electoral Offences Commission by the National Assembly and its concurrence by state Assemblies and eventual signing by the President will go a long way in enhancing electoral integrity ahead of the general election.

Equally important is collaboration with the police, judiciary, and anti-corruption agencies to ensure that electoral offences are treated with the seriousness they deserve. Every prosecuted case strengthens public belief that democracy has consequences for wrongdoing. INEC staff, too, must be held accountable. Where internal compromise is proven, punishment should be public and deterrent. The credibility of an election is not only about what politicians do; it also depends on what the electoral officers refuse to do.

Strengthening voter education and participation

Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, the participation of Nigerians in the electoral process has continued to decline, even as the register of voters keeps growing. Available records showed that with about 57.9 million registered voters in 1999, the country recorded about 52.26 per cent voter turnout. This increased to 69.08 per cent in 2003 when the nation had about 60 million registered voters. This figure dropped to 57.5 per cent turnout in 2007 when the nation had a slight increase in voter registration to about 61.5 million. The figures dropped further in 2011 to 53.7 percent even when the voter registration increased to about 75 million eligible voters. But by 2015, INEC announced a decrease in the figure on the voter register to about 68.8 million, with a voter turnout of 42.7 per cent. With 84 million voters eligible for the 2019 elections, only 41 per cent of voters turned up to elect the President. The lowest voter turnout since the return to democracy has been during the 2023 general election, with only 26.7 per cent of eligible voters out of about 93. 4 million registered voters turning out to cast their votes.

Many have argued that low voter turnout does not add to the credibility of elections. Therefore, the new Chairman must treat voter education not as an event, but as a continuous civic duty. The Commission must therefore collaborate with the National Orientation Agency, civil society groups, and the media to reawaken civic consciousness. There is a need to localise and digitalise voter education, while those in the rural communities, young people, and first-time voters should be reached through targeted campaigns in indigenous languages and on social media. INEC must also review the Continuous Voter Registration (CVR) process to ensure accessibility, especially for displaced persons and marginalised groups.

Democracy thrives only when citizens participate. The task before the Commission is to make that participation meaningful and easy.

Navigating political pressures

 INEC’s independence has often been tested by political forces that seek to influence its decisions, both from local and international sources. From appointment controversies to policy disputes, the perception that the Commission is vulnerable to external influence has been difficult to dispel. As a lawyer and an administrator, Prof. Amupitan needs both administrative tact and moral firmness to navigate this terrain. Independence is not merely declared; it is demonstrated through consistent refusal to bend to political convenience. He must establish transparent policies on communication, decision-making, and stakeholder engagement. Every action of the Commission should be explainable in terms of law, not loyalty. Only then will public confidence deepen and political actors learn to respect the neutrality of the umpire.

Planning for the next electoral cycle

Even though the next general election may be a little above one year away, electoral reform must be treated as a marathon and not a sprint. One of the weaknesses of past Commissions was the tendency to begin serious planning only months before major elections. The new INEC leadership must initiate a comprehensive post-2023 review to identify what worked, what failed, and why. From this should emerge a Strategic Plan for the 2027 elections, complete with timelines for technology upgrades, logistics testing, and staff retraining. An early start will allow the Commission to anticipate challenges and engage stakeholders meaningfully. It will also help ensure that by the time the next elections approach, reforms are already institutionalised rather than improvised. The conduct of the Osun and Ekiti governorship elections in 2026 will serve as a litmus test for the Amupitan-led commission.

Reinforcing inter-agency cooperation

The success of any election depends on effective coordination among institutions such as security agencies, the National Orientation Agency, the National Broadcasting Commission, and the judiciary, among others. Past elections have exposed lapses in this synergy, especially in security deployment and information management. The new INEC Chairman should ensure that the Inter-Agency Consultative Committee on Election Security (ICCES) becomes a permanent structure, not just an election-time formality. If possible, the creation of the body should be embedded in the electoral legal framework because regular meetings, scenario planning, and early warning systems can reduce violence and confusion during polls. Presently, the ICCES meets only four times a year. Similarly, coordination with the judiciary must be proactive. Training and dialogue between electoral officers and judges on electoral jurisprudence can minimise post-election disputes and inconsistent rulings.

Engaging the media and civil society

He must realise the fact that a credible election process requires a credible information flow. The media and civil society organisations have historically served as watchdogs and educators, but relations with the INEC have not always been smooth. He should therefore cultivate a professional partnership with these groups. Press freedom and access to information are vital for transparency. When journalists are informed, misinformation and suspicion decline. Civil society groups, on their part, can provide early warnings and independent observation that strengthen public confidence.

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Funding and financial accountability

Elections are expensive undertakings, and funding remains a recurring challenge. Delays in budget releases, coupled with allegations of financial waste, have sometimes affected INEC’s efficiency. He should push through the amendment to the electoral act that will ensure the immediate release of funds meant for the elections. He must find a way to strengthen the Commission’s financial management system. Transparent procurement processes, digital accounting, and external auditing should become standard practice. Early engagement with the National Assembly on budgetary matters will also prevent last-minute funding crises that hamper logistics. He must also find a way of reducing election expenses. That is why he needs to push through the amendment to the electoral act that seeks to eliminate bye elections, especially in legislative elections, to ensure that when an elected person resigns or dies, his political party should be made to produce the replacement.  The political parties, through the Inter- Party Advisory Council, are already in support of this.

Building a Culture of Continuous Improvement

Beyond policies and technology, the deeper challenge is cultural. The Commission must develop a mindset of continuous improvement, where each election becomes an opportunity to learn, not merely to survive. The Chairman can institutionalise post-election conferences, stakeholder assessments, and data-driven performance reports. Comparative learning from other African democracies like Ghana, South Africa, and Kenya will also be beneficial. Democracy is not perfected by chance; it is built by institutions that refuse to repeat their mistakes.

Courage, vision, and integrity

Amupitan, as the INEC Chairman, faces serious challenges from people who see nothing good in whatever one does. There is no doubt that there are enormous expectations from Nigerians and the international community, who give limited room for errors. As head of the only constitutional agency that wields the power to decide who occupies elective offices in Nigeria, both in the Executive and Legislature, he has constitutional power anchored on a mandate to deliver free and credible elections and therefore stands between political ambition and national stability and therefore must deliver fairness without fear, and reform without resentment. This is more important at a time when many Nigerians are advocating that the power to conduct local government elections be taken away from the states and handed over to INEC. The assignment before him is therefore both clear and demanding. That is, to rebuild trust, reform the system, and reaffirm the constitutionally guaranteed independence of the agency. It is important to say that Nigerians are not asking for perfection, but the credibility of the system. The road ahead may be difficult, and political pressures will be brought to bear by both local international forces and the political class and Nigerians alike. Public criticism will be heard and sometimes based largely on absolute falsehood, while operational challenges will persist. Yet, the measure of leadership lies not in avoiding these pressures but in standing firm under these pressures and insisting on doing what is right. Some analysts believe that if Prof. Amupitan can restore faith in the ballot, he would have succeeded in strengthening the foundation of Nigeria’s democracy.

There is no gainsaying the fact that following the successful completion of the Anambra governorship election, which is the first to be conducted under the new Chairman, the time is ripe for him to properly settle down to his new assignment. He must quickly seek to strengthen transparency and public communication within the electoral space. One political analyst who followed the Mahmood Yakubu era closely, Ezenwa Nwagwu, believes that the commission was not always quick to respond to issues in the public domain. This is one area that Prof. Amupitan should quickly work on, especially in the run-up to the FCT Area Council elections, the Osun and Ekiti governorship elections and the 2027 general elections. In addition, he should take immediate steps to reform internal operations and staff integrity systems and push for the establishment of the Electoral Offences Commission. This commission will help reduce the burden of investigating and prosecuting electoral offenders, which is almost nonexistent at the moment. The commission must also build on the gains of the immediate past chairman in the area of use of technology in the electoral process by upgrading existing technology and logistics frameworks, while enhancing voter education and civic engagement. Many believe this will revive citizens’ participation and reduce voter apathy, which has seen less than 30 per cent of registered voters in the country participating in elections. Even though the recent Anambra elections witnessed a great improvement in previous elections, less than 30 per cent of the 2.8 million registered voters took part in the election.